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All power players focus on constitutional knock-out

Submitted by on October 23, 2009 – 6:18 am10 Comments
All power players focus on constitutional knock-out

By Shaheen Shebai: All power players focus on constitutional knock-out

Kerry-Lugar law’s Muridke clause alienates Army from; NRO-hit presidency; Zardari falls back on Nawaz; ready to give up 17th Amendment powers.

An intense, behind the scenes, strategic and decisive review of the current political situation has begun among major power players, both political and non-political, to quickly decide how to stabilise the situation, seriously threatened by impending questions about the fate of those who benefited from the infamous NRO and are now in top positions of the country.

After detailed background interviews and sessions with most of the stakeholders, it is now becoming clear that unless the present system is cleansed and the major irritants are removed, the desperately needed political stability and the required moral and political support for the on-going civil war-like situation would not be available. This may, and probably already is, seriously hampering the military-cum-security operations against the hit-and-run or hit-and-die terrorists roaming all over the country.

Although the apparent problem is the uncertainty about what would happen to the NRO in parliament and even if passed by a simple majority, what may happen if the Supreme Court strikes down the controversial law ab initio, the issue which is driving everyone crazy is the wide gulf that has emerged between the top civilian and military leadership on how to handle America and the war on terror, denials and clarifications notwithstanding.

A well-informed insider said things had gone so bad that the military leaders had refused to meet President Asif Ali Zardari recently but it was Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani who persuaded the Pindi people to at least convey their views in a face-to-face sitting so a patch up, if possible, may be attempted. That effort too did not work.

Unfortunately, or probably in the interest of the system as the other side may argue, the political wings of our military establishment (read agencies), which had almost become redundant and were dormant for some months, have now come back into action with full force.

According to a recent BBC analysis: “The military launched a massive public relations exercise, briefing sympathetic talk-show hosts and journalists, who were encouraged to whip up public opinion against the (Kerry-Lugar) Bill. General Kayani also secretly met the opposition politician Shahbaz Sharif, the Punjab CM, who the Army had ostracised until now.”

Though such behind-the-scene interference has always been a major factor in political changes in the country, it is never legitimate or desirable. The Army is unhappy and angry because Zardari has given away too many concessions to the Americans and the GHQ realises that if the Kerry-Lugar Bill was to be implemented as desired by Washington, Pakistani cities could soon turn into battlegrounds between the Army and the Lashkar Tayyaba, the Jaish Mohammed and Taliban forces combined.

So far the GHQ has kept the Lashkar Tayyaba quiet by not acceding to the US demands of attacking or even touching Muridke, arguing that once this sleeping elephant wakes up, it could turn around and trample our own forces. After all, the LeT was raised and trained by our military establishment to fight the Indians in Kashmir and they are good at it. Turning their guns inwards, with TTP suicide bombers roaming everywhere, would turn Pakistan into a burning inferno, ready to collapse. Thus the Kerry-Lugar Bill is considered to be a recipe for instant disaster.

These arguments apart, the fact, however, is that the politicians are again failing to handle their own affairs in a deft manner and may again have provided the opportunity or the space for such behind-the-scene military intervention. One such occasion was provided on March 15 when the long march threatened the system.

Leading political parties are weighing their options. Consultations, often late in the night between key leaders, are at a peak to find some formula which may save the political parties from the embarrassment of voting for a black law but at the same time saving the system from failing once again.

The bottom line is how to change the image of the presidency, how to bring back its credibility and how to make it an institution which could be trusted and respected, by the people and its armed forces alike. President Asif Zardari, who had the God-given opportunity to rise to the occasion, has failed miserably by acting in a cavalier manner, by destroying his own credibility and by foisting upon the nation a coterie of cronies who may have been good providers of goods and services to him in jail but are not fit by any standard to run the affairs of the country.

This personalised style of governance has confused all political leaders and parties. They do not know whether to support Zardari on the NRO or to take a principled stand against him. The position of PPP allies is extremely difficult. The ANP and the JUI are inclined to stay neutral at best, although publicly they have opposed the NRO repeatedly. Abstention may also not help Zardari.

The MQM is on a crossroads as the party has recently announced a major makeover of its public face, trying to go into Punjab and other parts of Pakistan and transform into a country-wide party. But it is stuck with the PPP in Sindh and going against the NRO would cause a serious breach in these relations since it would again be seen as an anti-Sindh move, aimed at supporting the Punjabi political and military establishment.

The MQM think tanks do not want to get into a situation in which the apparently stable province could fall back into the dreaded urban-rural conflict once again, with the Taliban waiting on the outskirts of Karachi to strike at the city as soon as they get the chance.

So far, MQM strategists say, the Taliban have refrained from attacking Karachi because firstly the level of public vigilance in the city is far greater and intense because of the omni-present MQM cadres on the streets, and secondly because the Pathans in Karachi seriously believe that their economic and financial interests would be severely hit if Taliban terrorism disrupts the city.

So the Pukhtoons are in no mood to secretly provide sanctuaries to suicide bombers and could openly confront them if need be. On this issue, they and the MQM are on the same page, with strong political support from the ANP and the Jamaat-e-Islami. Several meetings between the MQM and Pathan leadership on this issue have already raised the level of mutual trust and coordination for joint action.

Yet for the MQM to openly support the NRO would be a retrogressive political decision. Conversely, if the MQM came out publicly against the NRO and offered to present all its beneficiaries to take their cases to the courts, the party will gain moral high ground and the party will get a facelift throughout the country, which could otherwise take years to accomplish.

For the PPP itself, the NRO is a major divisive issue. Except for the few top beneficiaries, the general PPP cadres had nothing to do with it and privately are deadly opposed to voting for such a black law. But they have other interests associated with staying in power and they would not like to rock the boat, if the NRO threatens to derail the current PPP stint in power.

The feeling in some PPP circles is that if the NRO strikes at Zardari and his cronies, rural Sindh, where the PPP has grass root support for the Bhuttos, would not react as fiercely as many predict it would. This may be so because Zardari and his Sindhi friends, who were never part of the Benazir circle, have generated enough ill will and animosity in the last 18 months. Some have been forced to recall the funny story of the coffin thief of a village and his son. It is better not to repeat that story.

The prime minister appears to be in two minds and would publicly like to support the president but he had himself refused to take any benefit from the NRO and had his own cases judged by the regular Musharraf courts under old laws. That one correct political decision may help him immensely when the NRO may keep haunting others.

But he is also lobbying secretly for the principled political parties, both allies and opponents, to take a stand against the NRO so that the system could be cleansed and stabilised. How much support he can muster within the PPP is a moot question but if he takes a public position, many would come forward to support him. His government would in no case fall because the PML-N has offered to sustain it.

The intense discussions behind closed doors are focusing on finding some way out before the NRO explodes into the political scene and starts rocking the boat. Political wings of agencies are secretly lobbying members of parliament to vote out the law, which may force the president to think about giving up his powers or to resign.

Various compromise formulas are also doing the rounds, some code named minus-5 and others minus-12. The five and 12 are the personal friends and helpers of Zardari during his jail time, who have now been posted on sensitive state positions.

The stand taken by the Fata members is one such example of immense relevance. Although, they have taken up an anti-government position on a different issue, they want to sit in the opposition and would not like to side with the pro-NRO lobby. If that happens, it would be a major blow to the Zardari camp. The role of the secret agencies thus would come out in the open.

An overriding desire and effort in all the camps, including the non-political establishment, is not to rock the entire system. Everyone agrees in private that if President Zardari and his group of few unwanted aides were sidelined, the system will stabilise so that the focus can be shifted to the war against terrorists. But resilience and the fighting spirit of Zardari is being tested by the day.

According to one source located within the presidency, tension in the presidential camp is mounting and a battle headquarter is being set up to mobilise forces, appease allies, win over opponents and get the NRO passed by parliament, even bulldozed if necessary. But all the excitement suddenly dies down when the question of the Supreme Court striking down the NRO comes up. Everyone is suddenly dumbfounded.

The latest initiative by President Zardari to meet PML-N leader Nawaz Sharif to sort out their issues is viewed in the presidency as their last ditch political offensive to get Nawaz Sharif on his side. The argument that will be pitched to him will be that the military establishment is again out to derail the political process and in this fight the politicians should stay on the same side.

Although, Nawaz is strongly of the same views, it is highly unlikely that he will take sides with Zardari unless some huge, really huge, concessions are made and immediately, without waiting for any minute, hour or day.

Informed presidential sources say President Zardari is now ready to give up all his powers under the 17th Amendment, including the powers to appoint the Army chief but whether it is too late and too little for Nawaz to accept this bait is not yet clear. What is clear is that Nawaz has been bitten twice or thrice by the same snake hole and he may not like to poke his finger in that hole again.

10 Comments »

  • afzaalkhan says:

    The News By Tariq Butt: PPP plans to bulldoze NRO through parliament

    ISLAMABAD: The government has planned to bulldoze the National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) through Standing Committees on Law and Justice of the National Assembly and the Senate on the force of its majority.

    “When we have a clear majority not only in the bodies but also in both the parliamentary chambers, we are not shy of pushing the NRO through the Senate and the National Assembly at a speed of our own choice,” a cabinet minister, who is part of the ongoing consultations at the Presidency about the passage of this crucial legislation, told The News on the condition of not being named.

    He said it had been decided the NRO would earn parliamentary approval by Nov 28, the deadline of its 120 days life given by the July 31 Supreme Court verdict.

    The minister said separate meetings of the two house committees would be convened in the next couple of weeks. The Senate and the National Assembly are scheduled to hold their regular sessions in the first week of the next month.

    However, leader of the house in the Senate and a member of the Upper House Standing Committee on Law and Justice Wasim Sajjad told this correspondent he and his colleagues’ intense effort would be to get the NRO rejected in Toto in the house body so that it did not go to the Senate at all because it was not at all acceptable.

    He explained the findings of the house body on a bill referred to it was always a recommendation, which was not binding on the house. But generally, he said, it was considered that a bill cleared by a house body had the unanimous opinion of its members hailing from different parliamentary parties.

    The respective numerical strength of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) and its allies in ruling coalition is comfortable in both the standing committees.

    Of the total 12 members of the Upper House committee, the PPP has six senators while its two allies — Functional League and Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam — have one nominee each. Opposing them are the two PML-Q senators and one member each of the PML-N and the Jamaat-e-Islami. Under the rules, the committee chairman, Muhammad Kazim Khan, belonging to the PPP, has the power to call its meeting.

    In the 17-member National Assembly standing committee, also headed by the PPP representative, the PPP has nine MNAs and its ally, the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) one member. Their apparent opponents include four PML-N MNAs and three PML-Q members, who have vowed to disapprove the NRO at all costs.

    A house committee takes unanimous or majority decisions. Additionally, under the rules governing the proceedings of the Senate and the National Assembly, the quorum to constitute a sitting of the committee shall be one-fourth of its total membership. This means decisions taken by the committee in the presence of its one-fourth membership are valid. Even the PPP’s strength in the two house bodies is more than enough to constitute the required quorum.

  • taukeer says:

    If Nawaz Sharif is suckered by Zardari again he will never be elected again. Remember you heared it here first!

    There is alot of antipathy between PMLN and the Army but looks like they both want to put Mushy animosity behind them. Hussain Haqani (the slime ball) may yet have dealt Zardaro a deadly blow!

  • afzaalkhan says:

    The Nation: US spying on Kahuta since 2003

    ISLAMABAD – Despite the fact that Americans have been permanently housed near Pakistani nuclear installations at Kahuta since 2003 in the guise of imparting training at the Police College Sihala, neither the military nor the PPP regime has dared to dislodge them.
    According to reliable sources, the PPP government paid no attention at all to the hue and cry raised by senior police officials against the dubious movements and installation of the American trainers.
    It has been learnt that some senior police officials have been continuously raising questions on the quality of training courses being offered by the Americans to the senior police recruits. The officials at the same time claimed that Pakistani police officials could impart much better training courses than that the Americans were providing at present.
    But the government turned a deaf ear to all these concerns of senior police officials and made no efforts to close the American training base allegedly involved in monitoring Pakistani nuclear activities.

    Police officials, on condition of anonymity asked that even if this training by Americans was necessary at all, why had this very sensitive area been chosen and why this training has continued, risking the secrecy and sensitivity of nuclear installations of the country. They were of the view that Americans had no interest in the area except the intention to monitor the activities at the Kahuta nuclear sites.

    Therefore, the sources observed that the government should immediately review this policy of allowing effectively an American base inside the Sihala Police College just nine kilometres away from the sensitive installations of Kahuta.

  • taukeer says:

    Am I surprised about the Americans snooping. Further more there isn’t a trick the Americans can teach our police anyway.

  • afzaalkhan says:

    The News: By Rauf Klasra: Zardari not to surrender COAS selection powers

    ISLAMABAD: Regardless of the simmering political turmoil, President Asif Ali Zardari is said to be in no mood to surrender certain powers particularly that of appointing the next chief of Army staff on or before November 2010, sources claimed. It was also claimed that while the president may ‘cede’ to a few earlier demands of Mian Nawaz Sharif in the coming days, this abdication was definitely not on the cards, come what may.

    The sources claimed that a determined Mr Zardari, who had already got a prime minister, chairman Senate and speaker National Assembly of his own choices with only 120 seats of his party in the National Assembly, wanted to first bring in his own choice replacement to the incumbent COAS and may only give up these powers after accomplishing this task.

    The sources said the secret meetings between Shahbaz Sharif, Ch Nisar Ali Khan and the COAS in recent days had already raised many eyebrows, as no one knew what was cooking up yet again between the Sharif brothers and their old uniformed friends.

    One top source claimed that appointment of chief of army staff was the only clause available with President Zardari which was a major hurdle in the way of bringing about the required changes in the 17th Amendment which were agreed between Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto in 2006 as a part of Charter of Democracy (CoD).

    The sources said Asif Zardari might offer Nawaz Sharif during his Monday meeting to remove the condition of third time prime minister from the 17th Amendment to help the twice elected prime minister grab the same post in future but all those who were expecting the president to transfer these powers to the prime minister might get disappointed. The sources said Zardari had even lost his credibility in the political circles by not bringing about changes in the 17th Amendment simply to retain the powers to appoint a chief of Army staff of his choice.

    In that background the sources said President Zardari, now infamously known as a new lethal political strategist in the troubled politics of the country, was said to be not convinced to lose the God sent chance of appointing a new army chief within the next ten months as from November 2009, the last year of General Kayani would get underway.

    Background interviews with some key sources revealed that President Zardari had been waiting for the completion of the term of General Kayani so he could bring a new general of his choice and diminish the frequent threats to his power.

    Musharraf had brought back the power of appointing services chiefs to the president’s office but according to sources, now the establishment was strongly in favour of shifting of these powers from the president to Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gilani.

    The sources said, unlike Nawaz, this time, the establishment forces were feeling more comfortable with a non-ambitious Yusuf Raza Gilani, who was being seen as a cool handler of the military matters unlike Nawaz and most importantly, he had emerged as a politician who would not like to indulge in any adventure with the powerful military establishment. The sources said some elements within the army establishment were of the view that the military might be more comfortable with Gilani having these powers particularly when the last year of General Kayani would start from next month.

  • pak.nukes says:

    Admin plz upload Dr. Danish’s progrma of Sunday.

  • afzaalkhan says:

    Washinton Post: U.S. official resigns over Afghan war

    When Matthew Hoh joined the Foreign Service early this year, he was exactly the kind of smart civil-military hybrid the administration was looking for to help expand its development efforts in Afghanistan.

    A former Marine Corps captain with combat experience in Iraq, Hoh had also served in uniform at the Pentagon, and as a civilian in Iraq and at the State Department. By July, he was the senior U.S. civilian in Zabul province, a Taliban hotbed.

    But last month, in a move that has sent ripples all the way to the White House, Hoh, 36, became the first U.S. official known to resign in protest over the Afghan war, which he had come to believe simply fueled the insurgency.

    “I have lost understanding of and confidence in the strategic purposes of the United States’ presence in Afghanistan,” he wrote Sept. 10 in a four-page letter to the department’s head of personnel. “I have doubts and reservations about our current strategy and planned future strategy, but my resignation is based not upon how we are pursuing this war, but why and to what end.”

    The reaction to Hoh’s letter was immediate. Senior U.S. officials, concerned that they would lose an outstanding officer and perhaps gain a prominent critic, appealed to him to stay.

    U.S. Ambassador Karl W. Eikenberry brought him to Kabul and offered him a job on his senior embassy staff. Hoh declined. From there, he was flown home for a face-to-face meeting with Richard C. Holbrooke, the administration’s special representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan.

    “We took his letter very seriously, because he was a good officer,” Holbrooke said in an interview. “We all thought that given how serious his letter was, how much commitment there was, and his prior track record, we should pay close attention to him.”

    While he did not share Hoh’s view that the war “wasn’t worth the fight,” Holbrooke said, “I agreed with much of his analysis.” He asked Hoh to join his team in Washington, saying that “if he really wanted to affect policy and help reduce the cost of the war on lives and treasure,” why not be “inside the building, rather than outside, where you can get a lot of attention but you won’t have the same political impact?”

    Hoh accepted the argument and the job, but changed his mind a week later. “I recognize the career implications, but it wasn’t the right thing to do,” he said in an interview Friday, two days after his resignation became final.

    “I’m not some peacenik, pot-smoking hippie who wants everyone to be in love,” Hoh said. Although he said his time in Zabul was the “second-best job I’ve ever had,” his dominant experience is from the Marines, where many of his closest friends still serve.

    “There are plenty of dudes who need to be killed,” he said of al-Qaeda and the Taliban. “I was never more happy than when our Iraq team whacked a bunch of guys.”

    But many Afghans, he wrote in his resignation letter, are fighting the United States largely because its troops are there — a growing military presence in villages and valleys where outsiders, including other Afghans, are not welcome and where the corrupt, U.S.-backed national government is rejected. While the Taliban is a malign presence, and Pakistan-based al-Qaeda needs to be confronted, he said, the United States is asking its troops to die in Afghanistan for what is essentially a far-off civil war.

    This week, Hoh is scheduled to meet with Vice President Biden’s foreign policy adviser, Antony Blinken, at Blinken’s invitation.

    If the United States is to remain in Afghanistan, Hoh said, he would advise a reduction in combat forces.

    He also would suggest providing more support for Pakistan, better U.S. communication and propaganda skills to match those of al-Qaeda, and more pressure on Afghan President Hamid Karzai to clean up government corruption — all options being discussed in White House deliberations.

    “We want to have some kind of governance there, and we have some obligation for it not to be a bloodbath,” Hoh said. “But you have to draw the line somewhere, and say this is their problem to solve.”

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